Block 25 · pages 234-243

Chapter 4: Pronominal Relativization, Non-Restrictive Relatives with sa, and Negation Particles

4.5.3 Pronominal human referents

Relativization of pronominal human referents (including speech-act participants) uses the linker nóo-da 'there-INT'. Constructions with ayo are ungrammatical for pronouns. The forms are: 1s ayay nóo-da, 2s nín nó(o-da), 3s áŋga nó(o-da), 1p áari nóo-da, 2p ándi nó(o-da), 3p íŋgi nó. The RC follows this marker with the same structure as other restrictive RCs. Examples: aɣáy nóo-da [jáw ana] aɣa-bbáaɣa ní-n jáw 'I who helped you, I want your help in return'; nín nó [kár ayay] ən-tə-kó kássaw 'you who hit me will go to prison'.

4.5.4 Non-restrictive relativization with sa

Non-restrictive RCs add new information about the head. They are introduced by the complementizer sa. The RC follows the head immediately (or after a postposition or restrictive RC). sa is also used for complement clauses and as a topic marker.

4.5.4.1 Subject and object

Examples: a-zzáw surgóy fo sa [íttilla záɣri a-tə-ŋá i-múṇas iʃʃá] 'he married a certain woman, who used to eat seven camels a day'. The head is often marked with ayo DET followed by sa (e.g., a-háaṣi-an íizace aɣo sa [áŋga nə-mmáy t-a-bákar-t] 'he looked towards the young man, that who owned the ewe').

4.5.4.2 Possessor relativization

Possessors cannot be relativized by the regular restrictive strategy. Instead, relativization with sa is used, which can be restrictive or non-restrictive. The RC contains a possessive pronoun coreferential with the head. Examples: a-b-ʃ-íʃkən-an áy-n nana se sa [ay-n mán Amínata] 'he greets his mother, whose name is Aminata'; baŋgú sa [ay-n míya a-yyibrár] waʃ-én i-bb-éd áa-ka 'a well that has a bad opening, dirt falls in it'. When the possessor phrase is fronted, a resumptive pronoun appears (e.g., aɣa-gguna a-ʒáaʒib sa [ay-n mó-en húuru a-b-dá íi-ka] 'I saw a phantom, in whose eyes fire was burning').

4.6 Negation particles

Complex negations are formed with a MAN negation on the verb plus an additional particle.

4.6.1 kǝlá ... nǝ 'never'

kǝlá 'once' with NEG.PERF nə- means 'not once' = 'never' (e.g., kǝlá ay-nə-mó t-a-sə́wəl-t ən ṭáatab se 'I have never heard that one sews with a stone'). Without negation, kǝlá introduces folktales ('There was once...').

4.6.2 nǝ ... fow 'not at all'

fow at the end of a negated clause intensifies the negation (e.g., ay-nə-fəlás-a fów! 'I don't believe it at all!').

4.6.3 NEG + har 'except'

The preposition har 'until' together with a negation means 'except' (e.g., a-nə-yíkkəl-kat í-(ə)nda jé har i-məẓẓur-an 'he served them nothing but droppings'). When the exception is an action, sa follows har (e.g., har sa (ə)n-tə-hímay héw ká 'except that you wash in the wind').

Keywords : pronominal relativization nóo-da non-restrictive relative sa complementizer possessor relativization negation particles kəlá fow har

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  • … .....234 4.5.4 Non-restrictive relativization with sa ......................236 4.5.4.1 Subject and object..........................................236 4.5.4.2 Possessor relativization..................................238 Negation particles.............................................................240 4.6.1 kəlá … nə- ‘never’ .................................................240 4.6.2 nə- … fów ‘not at all’ .............................................241 4.6.3 NEG + har ‘ex …

    Christiansen-Bolli (2010), A Grammar of Tadaksahak, a Northern Songhay Language of Mali, p. 10

  • … ksahak has two different types of relative clauses (RC). The formal difference is the presence or absence of the complementizer sa, that typically introduces a non-restrictive relative clause that gives additional information about the referent. Restrictive RCs, i.e., RCs with identificational information about the referent, show a different construction for subjects and when other parts (object, oblique objects) are relativized. Only subject relatives (‘a man who eats’) can …

    Christiansen-Bolli (2010), A Grammar of Tadaksahak, a Northern Songhay Language of Mali, p. 244